Feminist Economics, Argentina’s Disaster, and International Neoliberalism

Noelia Méndez Santolaria, an economist, discusses her work inside DAWN (Improvement Alternate options with Girls for a New Period), a feminist community targeted on gender justice and financial transformation. She highlights Argentina’s financial challenges, the resurgence of neoliberalism below President Javier Milei, and the systemic undervaluation of unpaid labor. Méndez Santolaria emphasizes the necessity for structural change, warning towards the exploitation of Argentina’s pure assets with out reinvestment. She critiques rising international militarization and digital harassment towards feminists. Feminist economics, she argues, should deal with wealth redistribution, care work, and systemic inequalities whereas countering neoliberal insurance policies and social resistance to alter.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Noelia Mendez Santolaria is an economist from a feminist perspective. She works with DAWN Feminist. It’s a 40-year-old community and assortment of analysts, economists, and others who strategy points from a feminist lens. How did you become involved?

Noelia Mendez Santolaria: My private background is considerably unconventional. I initially labored within the personal sector for my household’s enterprise, which imports gear for analyzing water high quality. I studied economics alongside my work as a result of, in Argentina, it is vitally frequent to check and work concurrently.

Whereas learning, I met Corina Rodríguez Enríquez, a extremely revered feminist economist who teaches at a public college. We developed a mentor-student relationship—she was my thesis advisor—and can be a part of DAWN (Improvement Alternate options with Girls for a New Period), a feminist community targeted on gender justice and financial transformation.

After ending my MA in Economics programs and leaving my job within the personal sector, I started working as a advisor for NGOs and authorities companies. Corina launched me to DAWN and its members, whom we name the “DAWNees,” and I began working with them. Earlier than that, I had already performed analysis from feminist views, however DAWN particularly focuses on viewpoints from the International South. This angle is commonly ignored in mainstream economics, together with feminist economics.

Jacobsen: How superior is that discourse and work in Argentina?

Santolaria: Argentina has an extended custom of heterodox financial thought. It’s, for instance, the birthplace of Latin American structuralism, largely developed by Raúl Prebisch, a outstanding economist recognized for formulating the Prebisch-Singer speculation on declining phrases of commerce. This idea, referred to in Spanish as Términos de Intercambio Desiguales, highlights the unequal financial relationships between industrialized and creating nations.

Argentina has maintained this custom to some extent, largely as a result of presence of public universities and a powerful mental tradition, however these concepts face resistance. Mainstream neoclassical economics stays dominant, and neoliberalism is at the moment experiencing a resurgence below President Javier Milei, who promotes libertarian financial insurance policies.

The intersection of Latin American heterodox economics and feminist financial views isn’t but widespread, however we’re working to advance it. As an example, DAWN is at the moment main a challenge on macroeconomics from a feminist and International South perspective. The purpose is to combine different financial frameworks with feminist financial theories to develop a extra inclusive and simply financial mannequin.

Jacobsen: How are these financial views perceived in Argentina below the present management?

Santolaria: We’re seen as adversaries—fairly actually. The Milei administration has brazenly dismissed feminist financial views and focused gender-focused insurance policies, together with dismantling the Ministry of Girls, Gender, and Range. Milei’s financial strategy prioritizes deregulation, privatization, and drastic reductions in state intervention. This instantly contradicts feminist and heterodox financial analyses emphasizing social justice and state duty in addressing inequalities.

Nonetheless, I imagine this backlash additionally displays the progress made in advancing feminist views and growing feminist participation in financial coverage discussions. Below the earlier administration of Alberto Fernández, whereas he was not a feminist himself, feminist insurance policies gained institutional recognition, and a few feminists had been appointed to key positions throughout the authorities.

Santolaria: And I believe that form of development implies rethinking the very financial system as a result of we are attempting to place worth—not essentially value, however worth—on all of the non-remunerated work being finished for the financial system or the market to even perform. And this was very, very highly effective.. Throughout the pandemic, everyone noticed that life didn’t occur with out care, faculties, or well being care. So, I believe consciousness of this main work wanted for markets to perform could be very resisted. Nonetheless, there may be very sturdy resistance to incorporating and valuing that within the financial system as a result of, at the very least in Argentina—however within the International South extra broadly—capitalism takes on a very extractive kind.

It’s extractive in every single place, however within the International South, it thrives on extracting pure assets, low cost labour, and non-remunerated labour from girls. When states shrink, the companies we name training and well being care don’t cease being offered—girls as a substitute of the state present them. So, these neoliberal insurance policies that search to drastically scale back the dimensions of the state are going through a powerful feminist response. I believe the backlash we’re seeing now could be a response from neoliberal financial forces towards feminist progress.

Jacobsen: Very massive within the Beijing Declaration and several other different declarations, however the Beijing Declaration was notably clear on unremunerated work being a serious hurdle. How does Milei view unremunerated work? Does he see it as girls’s work, interval? Or does he even make any statements about it? Or is it simply assumed and by no means mentioned?

Santolaria: It’s a very good query as a result of I believe that these far-right extremists and conservative politicians share the identical basic prognosis that we, as feminists, do: somebody has to offer these important companies. Nonetheless, their answer is a conservative one—a return to a supposedly higher previous for males, which is an phantasm as a result of that financial and social order now not exists.

I imagine that is one other intentional deception propagated by the far-right—not solely to subjugate girls but additionally to weaken the collective consciousness of males. Since Beijing, political consciousness has developed, however there may be far much less recognition of social class divisions as they had been historically understood. Regardless of being beneficial in some ways, the multilateral world that emerged after that period additionally made folks overlook in regards to the deep structural hierarchies that persist in society.

In at present’s extremely technological world, there may be an phantasm that anybody can develop into rich in a single day by investing in Wall Avenue or gaining fame on Instagram. My grandparents understood that they might by no means be wealthy of their lifetime. Nonetheless, many individuals at present imagine they are often in the event that they work onerous sufficient. Equally, there may be this false concept that we will return to a standard previous that by no means really existed in the way in which it’s now imagined—and it definitely won’t exist sooner or later.

Jacobsen: Sure, it’s about making a fantasy or a false historical past and projecting it ahead as one thing to aspire to, claiming it’s a return to one thing higher—when, in actuality, that previous by no means existed within the first place.

Santolaria: Sure, it was actual for a really, very small a part of the inhabitants. It has by no means been actual within the International South as a result of now we have a fragmented financial construction. The casual sector could be very massive—it represents half of the economic system. These within the casual sector have by no means lived this conventional household mannequin that the precise wing is making an attempt to deliver again. They weren’t “trad wives.” Poor girls work simply as a lot as poor males of their households.

We already know that this mannequin isn’t viable, but the aspiration nonetheless exists. I believe that has rather a lot to do with the sturdy non secular affect that conservative and right-wing ideologies are constructed round. It turns into a matter of perception—folks suppose that returning to this previous is definitely attainable.

After all, this concern is particularly related for ladies who’ve gained monetary independence in Latin America attributable to main will increase in labour market participation and professionalization. In Argentina—although this isn’t the case for each nation within the International South—many ladies from the Nineteen Eighties onward accessed college training, grew to become professionals, and entered the workforce. Nonetheless, this additionally led to growing inequality amongst girls.

Now, we see skilled, upper-class, or rich girls gaining freedom from unpaid home labour by paying poorer girls for it. So whereas some girls have made important advances, a niche has additionally widened between them. We all know that this alone isn’t sufficient to attain gender equality, however reverting to a previous system is solely unrealistic—and it’s not our purpose.

Girls have entered the labour drive, however males haven’t entered the care economic system in the identical proportion. That is typically mentioned, however the actuality is that males haven’t taken on their justifiable share of unpaid family labour. They’ve additionally not entered historically female-dominated sectors like well being care and training, largely as a result of these jobs are underpaid. This structural imbalance wants to alter, and the state is the first instrument for making that change occur.

That’s the reason the destruction of the state in Argentina is so regarding. However this isn’t simply occurring right here—this can be a international pattern. The foremost representatives of the far proper worldwide are targeted on dismantling the state as a result of they acknowledge that the state is the best mechanism for redistribution—not simply of earnings and wealth but additionally of unpaid care work.

Jacobsen: So your specialty is economics, notably feminist economics. In a good evaluation, what’s Milei doing proper economically? What’s he doing fallacious economically in Argentina? Additionally, why are North American democratic leaders so fascinated with him?

Santolaria: I believe Argentina is being considered as a far-right experiment, they usually see it may be finished. I believe Milei’s presidency is seen as a serious success just because he has maintained energy up to now.

There may be sturdy resistance, however there was no large-scale social explosion. Some declare that the nation is socially imploding, however others argue that folks largely settle for or validate what Milei is doing now. That form of public tolerance didn’t occur up to now, which was a big political win for him.

As for what he’s doing economically, a few of my economist colleagues recognize the macroeconomic stability he has delivered to the nation, however I doubt the sustainability of that stability. The greenback has all the time been a serious concern for Argentinians—its volatility and fixed devaluations make it troublesome for folks to take care of their buying energy. After Milei received the election, he instantly devalued the peso, and since then, the change charge has remained comparatively secure. Nonetheless, this has been achieved in a extremely unsustainable means.

His administration is at the moment making an attempt to barter a brand new mortgage with the IMF—what they name “fresh money” or “fresh dollars.” They’ve been very specific that this cash will allow monetary sector traders to take their positive factors and exit. The IMF, nevertheless, is pressuring for one more devaluation, which makes the present state of affairs extremely unstable.

This so-called stability exists not solely as a result of there was no widespread social resistance but additionally as a result of the opposite branches of presidency, which ought to act as checks and balances in a republic, haven’t finished so. Congress has handed each invoice Milei wanted, and the judiciary is basically absent, appearing as if it has no position to play.

Civil society has referred to as for judicial intervention to cease sure insurance policies, however the courts haven’t acted. For instance, there’s a very repressive anti-protest protocol in place. Regardless of its clear rights violations, the justice system has not intervened to cease it.

So, if we contemplate what Milei has finished effectively, his largest achievement has been his potential to consolidate assist from the institution—the so-called casta in Argentina. They’re backing him very strongly, which has introduced stability however is fragile and momentary.

Jacobsen: What would a feminist financial mannequin for Argentina deliver? Not essentially one superior, however one higher suited to Argentina’s context for reaching higher gender parity.

Santolaria: Properly, that’s very onerous to say as a result of I believe a feminist strategy to the economic system isn’t about implementing minor reforms—you want structural change. Argentina has important potential by way of pure assets.

This isn’t particularly a feminist perspective, however I imagine that below this administration, these assets are being bought to the best bidder with no strategic planning. They aren’t contemplating the event of nationwide capacities or strengthening the interior market. As an alternative, the strategy is: If you wish to come and take our pure assets, go forward—we ask for nothing in return.

This growth mannequin will form Argentina over the subsequent few years. As feminists, we should be vigilant towards these extractive practices. That doesn’t imply rejecting using pure assets altogether however moderately making certain that extraction doesn’t result in depletion, the erosion of our productive capability, or the hollowing out of our social and financial buildings. The earnings should be reinvested to maintain the copy of life, one thing that has by no means been finished in our historical past.

The opposite day, I listened to a consultant from Norway clarify how they used income from their state-owned petroleum firm to ascertain a common social safety system. That was a really clever choice that allowed them to maintain one of the crucial egalitarian societies on this planet for the final 70 years.. They now have complete social safety as a result of they directed these positive factors towards nationwide welfare.

With the power transition happening, Argentina is at an identical crossroads—it should resolve the right way to handle potential income from its pure assets. I believe Norway’s strategy could be very good for them. Nonetheless, I’m uncertain whether it is relevant to Argentina attributable to its exterior sector. Argentina has been trapped in a exterior debt cycle for the previous 200 years. We’re closely indebted in international foreign money, which signifies that each greenback the nation produces is rapidly siphoned off to repay exterior money owed.

Because of this, we face a critical threat: we would extract all our assets but see none of that wealth reinvested within the nation. That’s the reason we must be extraordinarily cautious and be sure that any different financial framework we construct is community-driven and centred on the sustainability of life.

In spite of everything, what’s the function of an economic system if it’s not to maintain life and enhance the well-being of the folks residing in Argentina?

Jacobsen: What are the mitigating components to this imaginative and prescient? Is machismo an element? Is traditionalist faith an element? Are there well-meaning feminist proposals—ones totally different from yours—that, whereas idealistic, lack enough evidentiary assist and don’t account for financial science? What are the important thing forces at play right here that form this dialogue?

Santolaria: Our essential problem—the largest threat issue—is the neoliberal mindset that dominates our considering. We battle to think about options that aren’t neoliberal.

After all, machismo exists, and Argentina, like each different society, is a patriarchal society. Nonetheless, the feminist motion has made important progress. There’s a sturdy political basis, and now we have younger, succesful political representatives who may lead transformative efforts—however the progressive facet of the political spectrum largely ignores them.

I imagine that extra damaging than the backlash itself is that this invisibilization—the way in which the progressive sector, feminist leaders, and girls who can drive actual transformation are sidelined. Probably the most necessary issues we should work on is strengthening alliances and making certain that feminist girls take the lead in these initiatives.

We primarily have Milei in workplace as a result of the opposite half of the political spectrum is misplaced and deeply divided. If we would like an alternate, we have to discover methods to unite and construct it collectively.

Jacobsen: Exterior of economics, from the work of DAWN feminists, what different points are they concentrating on which might be related to the Argentinian case?

Santolaria: DAWN works on a number of different key points, together with social copy, reproductive rights, sexual rights, and violence towards girls. All of that is approached via a powerful financial and materialist lens.

That’s what units DAWN aside—they constantly spotlight the fabric energy relations underlying these points. This isn’t all the time frequent within the feminist motion, as economics is commonly perceived as troublesome or overly advanced. Many suppose financial discussions are inaccessible as a result of they’re framed in extremely technical language.

One of many issues DAWN does very effectively is communication. They handle to current advanced financial points in a means that’s clear and accessible whereas nonetheless sustaining depth of their evaluation. Their work creates an area for reflection and a deeper understanding of what’s occurring.

We imagine that economics is for everybody and must be accessible to all. The concept that it should stay obscure or difficult is, in itself, one other type of energy imbalance. That’s the reason, at DAWN, each side of our work is deeply related to financial evaluation—it’s unimaginable to separate them.

Jacobsen: In numerous interviews, at the very least at this second, some recurring themes have emerged—real disagreements between areas. I’ve been reflecting on whether or not the dialogue issues Africa, Latin America, Asia, or North America.

In some areas, the priority is that irrespective of what number of insurance policies you implement—equivalent to setting a 30% or 35% minimal illustration of ladies in political participation and management—it merely won’t occur in most nations, even when these insurance policies exist on paper. For them, coverage isn’t the important thing concern.

In different nations, coverage implementation issues extra. If insurance policies are in place, there may be at the very least some extent of political will, which makes change extra doubtless.

Some views dismiss coverage as virtually secondary, focusing as a substitute on girls’s financial independence. The argument is that actual change occurs when girls obtain monetary autonomy—not simply in buying energy however in figuring out their very own lives. This financial empowerment, in flip, provides them extra levels of freedom in society, no matter whether or not formal insurance policies exist.

Within the Latin American context, one concern that constantly arises in these discussions is the rise of femicide. Globally, femicide charges have doubled. Some South African commentators have identified that charges have elevated by 20% in sure areas, whereas in others, they’ve tripled. The worst-hit areas are Latin American nations.

Out of your perspective, based mostly on the discussions you’ve participated in, what are probably the most acute points going through Latin America at present?

Santolaria: Properly, you can’t escape the query of political will. With out political will, no technical answer can be sturdy sufficient to make significant change occur. Economies are inherently political. All the things is political. And there’s no silver bullet.

We have to function on all ranges—the micro degree, the extent of particular person consciousness and consciousness, the macro degree,, and the meso degree, which incorporates establishments. That is extremely troublesome work as a result of it should occur concurrently. No single strategy will repair every little thing. If change occurs solely from the highest—if a progressive authorities enacts the very best equality insurance policies however society doesn’t embrace them—these insurance policies will doubtless fail.

We noticed this in the course of the Soviet Union. The federal government carried out very progressive insurance policies, however folks weren’t demanding them, and in the end, it didn’t work as meant. That’s the reason we’d like each top-down and bottom-up change. That’s our biggest problem as feminists: advocating for this agenda requires engaged on all fronts.

Violence—each in Latin America and globally—is likely one of the most alarming traits. The world is transferring towards militarization at an accelerated tempo. For years, now we have advocated for elevated funding for the care economic system, well being care, and training, and the response has all the time been the identical: No, there is no such thing as a cash for that. We now have money owed to pay. We now have a price range deficit.

But, instantly, there may be cash for army growth. Nobody questions how these large army expenditures can be funded. However at any time when we push for gender equality insurance policies, the primary query is: How will you pay for this?

Properly, the reply is easy: With the cash that was going to be spent on missiles, weapons, and drones, the funds will doubtless come from cuts to social safety applications and presumably from extra debt. Governments have a restrict on how a lot debt they’ll tackle till militarization turns into a precedence. Then, constitutions get rewritten to permit for extra army spending. It’s all political. That’s the largest risk we face at present.

Jacobsen: So, within the final interview, I did yesterday was with somebody from Girls on Net. She was the manager director of Girls on Net. I saved enthusiastic about my involvement within the humanist and secular humanist communities. Richard Dawkins as soon as did a section the place he learn his hate mail, turning it right into a comedy bit. That gave me an concept.

So, I proposed to her: Have you ever ever considered studying your anti-abortion hate mail as comedy on YouTube? It may discourage hate mail whereas additionally making it a bit enjoyable. One of many emails she acquired had the topic line Burn in Hell. So, she would undergo her common work emails, and in the midst of them, there can be one saying Burn in Hell. Then, she’d proceed along with her common work emails.

For a DAWN feminist, there are stereotypes about feminists. And, as with all motion, just a few belligerent people naturally scare folks off. However have you ever ever considered making comedy out of your hate mail? Like, taking quotes from it and presenting them as endorsements—virtually like a web page full of these feedback?

Santolaria: It’s a pleasant concept. Humour is highly effective.

Jacobsen: Sure.

Santolaria: I don’t obtain that form of hate mail.

Jacobsen: So fortunate.

Santolaria: Sure, however it’s an enormous concern. Many well-known feminists in Argentina are affected by it. Many journalists, too.

Jacobsen: Oh yeah, I can think about.

Santolaria: Sure. Humour is highly effective, and we must always, in fact, use it as a instrument to fight this sort of harassment candidly. However in some unspecified time in the future, we additionally have to acknowledge the vulnerability it creates.

Receiving that form of hate isn’t innocent. Even if in case you have psychological assist or attempt to brush it off, it nonetheless seeps in. It’s not okay. Possibly we shouldn’t take it too flippantly—in fact, humour helps—however the actuality is that this growing violence thrives within the digital area, the place anonymity gives a fertile floor for these assaults.

Coping with it’s a very private choice. I’ve mates who shut down their social media accounts utterly. I don’t use social media anymore. I used to have extra accounts, however I closed them.

Jacobsen: Was it due to privateness issues?

Santolaria: Sure. Within the panel we had been simply in, we mentioned how photographs, voices, and footage will be misused in unsettling methods.

Jacobsen: As they identified, 98% of deepfake content material targets girls.

Santolaria: And I don’t suppose it’s price it. Social media has develop into a really hostile place.

Jacobsen: I might rephrase that—if I could—because it has develop into a hospitable place for hostile folks.

Santolaria: Sure, precisely. And it’s additionally about who owns these platforms. Social media is managed by a really concentrated financial energy construction that’s prepared to do no matter somebody like Trump asks them to. They declare these platforms are extremely democratic and important without spending a dime speech, however that’s not the fact.

Algorithms reinforce energy imbalances, and hostile behaviour is commonly rewarded. That’s why I select to not use social media. Thankfully, I don’t obtain hateful emails, so I’m fortunate.

Santolaria: However I do know it’s onerous, and it’s yet one more type of violence that we at the moment are experiencing.

Jacobsen: Did I miss something?

Santolaria: No. I hope it was attention-grabbing.

—

Scott Douglas Jacobsen is the writer of In-Sight Publishing (ISBN: 978-1-0692343) and Editor-in-Chief of In-Sight: Interviews (ISSN: 2369-6885). He writes for The Good Males Mission, Worldwide Coverage Digest (ISSN: 2332–9416), The Humanist (Print: ISSN 0018-7399; On-line: ISSN 2163-3576), Fundamental Earnings Earth Community (UK Registered Charity 1177066), A Additional Inquiry, and different media. He’s a member in good standing of quite a few media organizations.

***

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Picture by Angelica Reyes on Unsplash

The submit Feminist Economics, Argentina’s Disaster, and International Neoliberalism appeared first on The Good Males Mission.

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