Being pregnant Justice, a U.S. non-profit, defends the rights of pregnant people, advocating in opposition to illegal surveillance and medical privateness violations. Employees legal professional Caitlyn Garcia mentioned a lawsuit in opposition to Vermont’s DCF, which unlawfully assessed A.V.’s parental capability earlier than delivery. DCF’s actions led to A.V.’s new child being eliminated, delaying reunification. The case highlights Vermont’s high-risk being pregnant docket, the place medical suppliers share personal knowledge with DCF with out consent. Garcia emphasizes the necessity for coverage adjustments to make sure medical care just isn’t weaponized, defending parental rights and reproductive autonomy. The lawsuit seeks accountability, damages, and systemic reform in opposition to pregnancy-based surveillance.
Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Being pregnant Justice is a U.S. non-profit group devoted to defending the rights and dignity of pregnant people, no matter being pregnant outcomes, together with delivery, loss, or abortion. Based in 2001 as Nationwide Advocates for Pregnant Girls, it was rebranded to its present identify in 2022. Caitlyn Garcia serves as a employees legal professional at Being pregnant Justice, specializing in authorized advocacy and analysis. A 2020 graduate of Brooklyn Regulation College, she beforehand labored with Brooklyn Defender Providers Household Protection Follow. Caitlyn, thanks for becoming a member of me right now. I admire it.
Caitlyn Garcia: Thanks for having me.
Jacobsen: Concerning the lawsuit in opposition to the Vermont Division for Kids and Households (DCF), what are the important thing authorized claims on this case?
Garcia: We filed this lawsuit on behalf of our shopper, A.V., on January 16, 2025. To supply some background, A.V. grew to become pregnant in 2021. She contacted LUND, a Vermont-based group offering providers to folks and households, and relocated to a shelter. Whereas she was on the shelter, the Vermont Division for Kids and Households initiated an evaluation of her parental capability, alleging that she had untreated psychological well being considerations.
This evaluation was performed with out A.V. being notified and with none formal psychological well being analysis. When A.V. was in labour on the hospital, DCF once more intervened, submitting a movement for momentary custody of her child—earlier than the infant was even born.
The movement contained inaccurate statements, elevating important authorized considerations. A listening to was held, and A.V. in the end consented to a vacuum-assisted supply, adopted by an emergency C-section. Instantly after delivery, her child was taken from her, denying her the chance for rapid skin-to-skin contact and early bonding.
DCF then delayed reunification between A.V. and her youngster regardless of by no means submitting for formal termination of her parental rights. Months later, she was lastly reunified along with her child after enduring the trauma of household separation.
A key concern on this case is that DCF didn’t have the authorized authority to open an evaluation earlier than A.V.’s youngster was born. A fetus just isn’t legally acknowledged as a toddler underneath Vermont legislation. By our investigation, we uncovered DCF’s high-risk being pregnant calendar, a system used to trace and surveil anticipating mother and father, which raises critical considerations about privateness violations and overreach.
On this case, LUND and Copley Hospital shared details about A.V. with DCF with out her information or authorization. Our claims within the lawsuit concentrate on constitutional violations underneath Vermont state legislation, significantly the improper sharing of confidential medical data and the infringement of A.V.’s proper to make medical selections.
Being pregnant doesn’t imply you lose your rights. This lawsuit seeks accountability for the violations of A.V.’s reproductive rights and the authorized protections that had been denied to her.
And we’re hoping to study extra concerning the high-risk being pregnant docket or calendar I referenced earlier via discovery and additional investigation. This seems to be a part of a broader sample or follow of surveilling pregnant ladies—not simply A.V., however different pregnant ladies in Vermont. Hopefully, with discovery, we’ll receive extra details about this side of the case and transfer ahead in stopping DCF from harming mother and father on this approach. We additionally intention to forestall different mother and father from being positioned on this high-risk being pregnant docket or calendar and having their rights violated.
The criticism additionally contains Depend 13, the first-ever authorized declare primarily based on Article 22 of the Vermont Structure: Proposition 5, or the Reproductive Liberty Modification. It is a important improvement, as we’re bringing the primary case that invokes this declare. We are going to see the way it performs out.
Jacobsen: Concerning DCF and the preliminary investigation, what authorized authority, if any, does DCF need to assess an expectant mum or dad’s parental capability?
Garcia: DCF can open an evaluation of parental capability. Nonetheless, as was not the case right here, they’re supposed to take action solely when an precise, residing youngster exists. A.V. had not but given delivery to her child.
That was a serious concern. Moreover, they’re required to inform the mum or dad. A.V. ought to have been knowledgeable that an evaluation was being opened and that DCF was initiating an investigation. But, she was not notified.
Not solely did they fail to tell her, however additionally they opened the evaluation regarding a fetus. Each of those actions had been improper and in opposition to Vermont legislation.
We’re working carefully with native counsel in Vermont, together with the ACLU of Vermont and Sarah Starr, who’re key gamers and well-versed in Vermont legislation. We’re additionally collaborating with a legislation agency to make sure that A.V.’s rights are totally vindicated.
Jacobsen: What’s the significance of Vermont’s Article 22? What does the Reproductive Liberty Modification say, significantly about this case?
Garcia: Definitely. Article 22 was enacted in 2022. It’s also often called Proposition 5 or the Reproductive Liberty Modification.
Primarily, it constitutionalized Vermont’s dedication to particular person reproductive autonomy. Within the criticism, we quote instantly from the modification, which states that:
“An individual’s right to personal reproductive autonomy is central to the liberty and dignity to determine one’s life course and shall not be denied or infringed unless justified by a compelling state interest achieved by the least restrictive means.”
This provision strongly emphasizes private autonomy. As I discussed earlier, ladies and people don’t lose their rights to non-public autonomy just because they develop into pregnant.
We additional argue that DCF’s sample and follow of surveilling pregnant Vermonters interferes with that reproductive liberty by putting them on the high-risk being pregnant docket or calendar. This results in unwarranted investigations and intrusions.
Girls haven’t any approach of figuring out that they’ve been positioned on the high-risk being pregnant docket or calendar. In addition they haven’t any approach of eradicating themselves from it. Because of this, their reproductive rights are violated. Just because they’re pregnant, they’re subjected to further surveillance with no technique of avoiding it.
Jacobsen: What proof did DCF current in court docket to acquire custody of A.V.’s fetus?
Garcia: They cited the declare that A.V. had untreated psychological well being considerations. Nonetheless, as I discussed earlier, these claims had been unsubstantiated. She was by no means given a psychological well being analysis, which was a major concern.
In addition they submitted an affidavit itemizing the infant’s birthdate—though the infant had not but been born. This meant the court docket was introduced with incorrect data, which, in a approach, misled the court docket by offering false particulars.
DCF additionally claimed that A.V. was “failing to push” or give delivery in a way that the hospital deemed essential. In actuality, A.V. had already agreed to a vacuum-assisted supply and in the end consented to a C-section. The listening to then concluded, and he or she gave delivery through C-section.
The court docket relied on these claims regardless of considerations concerning the accuracy of the data and the way it was obtained. LUND and the hospital supplied particulars to DCF, elevating additional considerations about privateness violations.
We see this sort of coordination between hospitals, medical suppliers, and Youngster Protecting Providers in lots of different instances. Being pregnant Justice works on instances throughout the nation, and we now have noticed a troubling sample of hospitals and medical suppliers sharing data with CPS to surveil households and fogeys. It is a rising drawback nationwide.
Jacobsen: What accountability measures are presently in place for DCF’s doubtlessly unlawful actions, significantly when they’re overly intrusive, lack proof, or violate a person’s rights?
Garcia: A.V. has filed for a number of types of authorized aid.
First, she is looking for damages to compensate her for violating her rights.
Second, she requests punitive damages in opposition to DCF for its illegal, willful, egregious, and malicious misconduct, which instantly brought about her hurt.
Third, she is looking for an injunction, which might require DCF to cease these practices, delete all information associated to A.V., together with confidential counselling and medical information, and finish this illegal sample of surveilling pregnant people.
Fourth, she has requested for a declaratory judgment, which might set up that DCF violated her constitutional, statutory, and customary legislation rights and that this sample of behaviour is illegal.
Beneath the legislation, she is entitled to hunt all these totally different types of aid.
The court docket additionally has the discretion to find out what further aid could also be acceptable. Because the case progresses, we hope the court docket will acknowledge the severity of those violations and grant the mandatory aid to A.V. and others affected by related actions.
Jacobsen: Concerning Vermont and the broader context of instances just like A.V.’s underneath Being pregnant Justice, what are the recurring themes? Moreover, what coverage adjustments may improve accountability for organizations performing in opposition to the perfect pursuits of people like A.V.? Conversely, what insurance policies might be applied to boost protections for people like A.V.?
Garcia: Definitely. As I discussed earlier, we’re seeing hospitals and medical suppliers collaborate with Youngster Protecting Providers (CPS) and share data, together with confidential and guarded data, with out correct consent. Holding each healthcare suppliers and businesses accountable for improperly sharing this data is crucial.
Now we have seen hospitals drug take a look at people with out their consent or knowledgeable consent after which share these outcomes with CPS, resulting in household court docket instances and extended investigations—generally lasting 60 days or extra. In these instances, guaranteeing knowledgeable consent is vital. People should be totally conscious that they’re being drug examined and that the outcomes of those exams might be shared with CPS.
Insurance policies holding suppliers accountable are essential so pregnant people really feel comfy disclosing private data. For instance, suppose a pregnant particular person has a substance use dysfunction and desires therapy. In that case, they need to really feel protected discussing this with their healthcare supplier with out concern of punitive penalties.
When people belief their suppliers, they’re extra prone to search assist, which advantages not solely the mum or dad but additionally the kid and all the household. This creates a twofold resolution—guaranteeing accountability for businesses and suppliers whereas prioritizing knowledgeable consent. Therefore, people perceive the potential penalties of exposing delicate data, reminiscent of present process a drug take a look at or talking with a healthcare supplier, if that data is shared externally.
Jacobsen: If confidential data shared by a person like A.V. is wrongly disclosed, what are the potential security and privateness considerations that come up? Particularly, what occurs when an unsubstantiated psychological well being standing is documented as a part of the document, even with out proof? May this have skilled or long-term implications if such data is publicized?
Garcia: I’m unsure the best way to reply this. After all, the provision of improperly obtained and unlawfully acquired data is at all times a priority.
First, suppose a person is positioned on this high-risk being pregnant docket or calendar with out their information and with none means to take away themselves. In that case, they can not appropriate the difficulty. They’re listed on account of inaccurate or deceptive data. But, they can not problem or take away themselves from that designation. That could be a critical concern.
Second, A.V. didn’t have a psychological well being dysfunction, and he or she was by no means even evaluated. She didn’t endure a full psychological well being evaluation, which makes DCF’s claims much more problematic. Suppose authorities assert that a person has a situation with out scientific proof or correct analysis. In that case, it could possibly result in long-term authorized and private penalties.
This misinformation in the end leads to the court docket’s fingers, and the court docket depends on the data supplied to make selections. It’s vital that courts obtain correct and verified data and that people have a good alternative to appropriate false information.
I can’t say extra at this stage, however we hope to study extra concerning the high-risk being pregnant docket or calendar via the invention course of. Particularly, we have to reply:
Who’s on that docket?
How lengthy are people stored on it?
What standards are used to position them there?
These are vital questions that want solutions.
Jacobsen: How does this Vermont case evaluate to related instances throughout america? Whereas there are widespread themes, totally different states and cities have various ranges of safety. Do any states or cities have higher or worse insurance policies relating to these points?
Garcia: Definitely. We’re seeing a constant sample throughout states—hospitals and medical suppliers collaborating with Youngster Protecting Providers (CPS), conducting unauthorized testing, and reporting unverified psychological well being claims about people.
Vermont has sturdy authorized protections, which assist pursue justice for A.V. Nonetheless, even in states which might be usually thought of extra protecting—reminiscent of New York—we nonetheless see hospitals conducting unauthorized testing, reporting sufferers with out consent, and interesting in discriminatory practices in opposition to pregnant people.
As a result of we deal with instances throughout a number of states, Being pregnant Justice has noticed nationwide patterns. I work on instances in Alabama, Mississippi, North Carolina, South Carolina, Vermont, and New York in order that I can converse to the variations in authorized landscapes throughout these areas.
Now we have additionally mentioned our Fetal Personhood Report and Being pregnant Criminalization Report, which spotlight these broader systemic points.
A key concern in A.V.’s case is fetal personhood—her child had not but been born, but DCF tried to achieve custody of the fetus earlier than delivery. That could be a critical authorized and human rights concern.
You in all probability have already got this report—you may need seen this chart earlier than. We might have mentioned it beforehand, however in our newest report, Being pregnant as a Crime, on web page 19, there’s a chart titled “The Role of the Family Policing System,” which is what we name youngster welfare in pregnancy-related prosecutions.
However there’s a chart titled “The Role of the Family Policing System.” It highlights what number of of those instances—though they’re felony, and A.V.’s case was not—underscore how data obtained within the medical system is commonly used.
It illustrates the vital position that medical suppliers and youngster welfare businesses play in these prosecutions. That is the broader concern Caitlyn was referring to—whereas we might not have many instances with the identical truth sample as A.V.’s, this example signifies a systemic concern.
Medical settings are more and more being co-opted—sufferers’ personal medical data is being obtained and used to construct instances in opposition to them, usually in coordination with youngster welfare businesses.
Jacobsen: I simply learn the web page now. These 210 information—these are from throughout america?
Garcia: Appropriate. Circumstances like these are usually not unusual, they usually usually contain the identical parts.
Jacobsen: What argument can they make in opposition to this? You’re citing authorities sources—quotation 59 is the White Home. What are the massive takeaways, Caitlyn, as we wrap up?
Garcia: The large takeaways are to carry businesses and suppliers accountable for sharing confidential and unlawfully obtained data.
We should additionally defend the rights of pregnant people, and states must assessment their legal guidelines to know how they’re used. Even in Vermont, the place the legal guidelines are sturdy, DCF nonetheless works unlawfully with outdoors organizations.
Each suppliers and DCF should be held accountable for his or her actions. This ties into the broader concern of separating medical therapy and care from punishment.
A.V. went to the hospital anticipating medical care and compassionate therapy—to not have her rights violated. We should be certain that care just isn’t weaponized as a software for punishment.
Some individuals neglect that each the household policing system and the felony authorized system exist. These methods usually work collectively, and though A.V. didn’t face felony costs, she was nonetheless subjected to household court docket proceedings.
These methods steadily overlap, punishing mother and father each criminally and civilly, which will increase the hurt and stress they expertise. You will need to acknowledge how in depth these harms are and to separate medical care from authorized punishment.
A.V. ought to have skilled the enjoyment of getting her first child, with essential moments like skin-to-skin contact and bonding—important in a toddler’s formative years. As an alternative, she was robbed of these experiences.
You can’t get these moments again. Whereas this case is about A.V.’s rights, it is going to affect all pregnant ladies in Vermont due to the invention course of and the broader claims in opposition to DCF for surveilling pregnant Vermonters.
I hope this case sends a message to different states. As we transfer ahead with discovery, I hope different states acknowledge this as a critical concern and take steps to forestall related violations.
This case ought to information businesses, making them understand that this sort of surveillance should finish right here.
Jacobsen: Caitlyn, thanks to your time.
Garcia: Superior.
—
Scott Douglas Jacobsen is the writer of In-Sight Publishing (ISBN: 978-1-0692343) and Editor-in-Chief of In-Sight: Interviews (ISSN: 2369-6885). He writes for The Good Males Undertaking, The Humanist, Worldwide Coverage Digest (ISSN: 2332-9416), Fundamental Earnings Earth Community (UK Registered Charity 1177066), A Free Inquiry, and different media. He’s a member in good standing of quite a few media organizations.
***
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Photograph by Volodymyr Hryshchenko on Unsplash
The put up How Can a State Company Justify Taking Custody of a Fetus Earlier than Start? appeared first on The Good Males Undertaking.
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